The Intercollegiate Studies Institute just sent me a copy of their handsome new book, The Solzhenitsyn Reader: New and Essential Writings, 1947-2005, which was edited by Edward E. Ericson Jr. and Daniel J. Mahoney, with the active cooperation of Solzhenitsyn and his family.
 It's a greatest hits collection, but  the big news is that over a quarter of its 635 pages is never-before-translated  writings, most notably the 20-page excerpt from Two Hundred Years Together,  1795-1995, Solzhenitsyn's two-volume history of the world-changing  interactions of Russians and Jews. The first volume, released in Russia in 2001,  was published in a French translation in France in February 2002, and the second  volume a year later. Yet these two books by the world's most famous living  author just can't seem to get published in an English translation here in the  land of the free and the home of the brave. I wonder why? And why has almost nobody  publicly discussed why these books haven't been published in English?
Here are some brief excerpts from the excerpts of Two Hundred Years Together:
Through a  half-century of work on the history of the Russian Revolution, I repeatedly came  face to face with the question of Russian-Jewish interrelations. Time and again  it would enter as a sharp wedge into events, into people's psychology, and  arouse blistering passions.
I never lost hope that there would come, before me, a writer who might illumine  for us all this searing wedge, generously and equitably.
I wonder if Solzhenitsyn has since read UC Berkeley historian Yuri Slezkine's subsequent 2004 book The Jewish Century? (Does Solzhenitsyn speak English? He gave his famous Harvard address of 1978 in Russian.)
More  often, alas, we meet one-sided rebukes, either pertaining to Russians'  culpability toward Jews, and even the primordial depravity of of the Russian  people (there is quite a profusion of such views) -- or, from those Russians who  did write about this mutual dilemma, mostly agitated tendentious accounts that  refuse to see any merit on the other side...
I would be glad not to test my strength in such a thorny thicket, but I believe  that this history, and attempts to study it, must not remain  "forbidden." ...
Yet what leads me through this narrative of the two-hundred-year-long cohabitation  of the Russian and Jewish peoples is the quest for all points of common  understanding and all possible paths into the future, cleansed from the acrimony  of the past.
The Jewish people -- like all other people and like all persons -- is both an  active subject of history and its anguished object. Furthermore, Jews often  carried out, perhaps unconsciously, major tasks allotted them by History.
There cannot be a question upon earth that is unsuited for contemplative  discourse among people. To converse broadly and openly is more honest -- and in  our case it is also indispensable. Alas, mutual grievances have accumulated in  both our people's memories, but if we repress the past, how can we heal them?  Until the collective psyche of a people finds its clear outlet in the written  word, it can rumble indistinctly or, worse, menacingly...
For many years I postponed this work and would still now be pleased to avert the  burden of writing it. But my years are nearing their end, and I feel I must take  up this task.
I have never conceded to anyone the right to conceal that which was.  Equally, I cannot call for an understanding based on an unjust portrayal of the  past. Instead, I call both sides -- the Russian and the Jewish -- to patient  mutual comprehension, to the avowal of their own share of the blame...
I conceived of my ultimate aim as discerning, to the best of my ability,  mutually agreeable and fruitful pathways for the future development of  Russian-Jewish relations.
-- 1995
*
Despite the growing significance of the Jewish presence in the US, at the  beginning of the twentieth century Jews in Russia constituted roughly one half  of the world's Jewish population -- a crucial circumstance for subsequent Jewish  history...
This spiritual awakening among Russian Jews [in the late 1800s] gave rise to  very divergent tendencies that had little in common with one another. Some of  them would later play a role in determining the fate of the entire world in the  twentieth century.
The Russian Jews of the period envisioned at least six different kinds of  futures, many of which were mutually exclusive:
-- retaining their religious identity by self-isolation, as had been the case  for centuries (but this option was rapidly losing appeal);
-- assimilation;
-- struggling for cultural and national autonomy of the Jews in Russia, with the  goal of an active but separate existence in the country;
-- emigration;
-- enlisting in the Zionist movement;
-- joining the revolutionary cause. ...
*
The topic is only too familiar: Jews amid the Bolsheviks. It has been written  about innumerable times. Those who wish to prove that the Revolution was  un-Russian and "of alien stock" point to Jewish names and pseudonyms  in an effort to clear Russians of blame for the revolution of 1917. Jewish  authors, on the other hand, ... are unanimously of the opinion that these were  not Jews in spirit. They were renegades...
Yes, these people were renegades. But neither were the leading Russian  Bolsheviks Russian in spirit. ...
Let us pose the question differently: How many random renegades does it take  to create a tendency that is no longer accidental? What proportion of one's  people needs to be involved? About Russian renegades we know that there was a  depressingly, unforgivably large number among the Bolsheviks. But what about  Jews? How actively did Jewish renegades take part in setting up the Bolshevik  regime? ...
And so, can nations disavow their renegades? Would such a disavowal have  meaning? Should a people remember its renegades or not; should it preserve a  memory of the fiends and demons that it engendered? The answer to that last  question should surely not be in doubt: We must remember. Every people  must remember them as its own; there is simply no other way.
There is probably no more striking example of a renegade than Lenin, but it  is impossible not to acknowledge him as Russian. ... But it was we Russians who  brought into being the social environment in which Lenin grew and filled with  hate. ...
And what about Jewish renegades? As we have seen, there was no specifically  Jewish gravitation toward the Bolsheviks over the course of 1917. But energetic  Jewish activism did manifest itself in the revolutionary maneuvers of the  period. ... And at the April conference in 1917 (where Lenin's explosive  "April Theses" were announced), among the nine members of the newly  chosen central committee we see Grigori Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev, and Yakov  Sverdlov. At the summer VI Congress of the newly named Russian Communist Party  of Bolsheviks, eleven members were elected to the central committee, including  Zinoviev, Sverdlov, Sokolnikov, Trotsky, and Uritsky. Next came the so-called  "historic meeting" of October 10, 1917, on Karpovka Street, in Himmer  and Flakserman's flat, where the decision to undertake the coup was taken. Among  the twelve participants were Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Sverdlov, Uritsky, and Sokolnikov.  At the same occasion the first "Politburo" (an appellation with a  brilliant future) was organized, and of the seven members we see the same  Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Sokolnikov. ...
Of course all this relates to the upper echelons of Bolshevism and is in no  sense indicative of any mass Jewish movement. Moreover, the Jews in the  Politburo did not act in any coordinated manner.
... Lenin did not anticipate the degree to which educated and semi-educated Jews  (who were scattered throughout Russia because of the war [as migrants away from  the fighting with Germany and Austria in the Pale of Settlement]) would come to  the rescue of his government in critical months and years, beginning with the  episode when they replaced the Russian civil servants who were on a mass strike  against the Bolsheviks. ...
Try putting yourself in the shoes of the small body of Bolsheviks who had seized  power and were barely holding on to it. Whom could they trust? To whom should  they turn for help? Semyon (Shimon) Dimanshtein, a Bolshevik from way back, and  since January 1918 head of the Jewish Commissariat ..., gives this account of  the remarks Lenin had made to him:
"Of great benefit to the revolution was the fact that due to the war, a significant portion of the Jewish middle intelligentsia happened to be in Russian cities. They foiled the widespread sabotage which we encountered immediately after the October Revolution and which was extremely dangerous for us. Jews, though far from all of them, sabotaged this sabotage, thereby rescuing the Revolution in a difficult moment."
... As we see, the Bolsheviks invited Jews starting with the very first days after assuming power, offering both leadership positions and administrative work with Soviet governmental structures. The result? Many, very many, responded positively, doing so without delay. What the Bolshevik regime needed above all were functionaries who would be absolutely loyal, and it found many such individuals among young secularized Jews along with their Slavic and international confreres. These people were not at all necessarily "renegades," since some were not members of the party, had no particular revolutionary sympathies, and seemed apolitical prior to this point. ... The fact remains, though, that it was a mass phenomenon.
"Thousands of Jews thronged to the bolsheviks, seeing in them the most determined champions of the revolution, and the most reliable internationalists ... Jews abounded at the lower levels of the party machinery. A Jew, as an individual who was clearly not a member of the nobility, of the clergy, or of the old civil service, automatically became part of a promising subset in the new clan." [M. Kheifets, Tel Aviv, 1980]
...  Latvians, Hungarians, and Chinese were utilized in similar ways -- no  sentimental hang-ups could be expected from them.
The attitude of the Jewish population at large toward the Bolsheviks was  guarded, if not hostile. But having finally attained full freedom thanks to the  revolution, and together with it, as we have seen, a true flowering of Jewish  activity in the social, political, and cultural realms, all superbly organized,  Jews did not stand in the way of the rapid advancement of other Jews who were  Bolsheviks and who then exercised their newly acquired power to cruel excess.
Starting with the late 1940s, when the Communist regime had a serious falling  out with the world's Jews, the vigorous Jewish participation in the Communist  revolution began to be soft-pedaled or entirely concealed by Communists and Jews  alike. It was an annoying and troubling reminder, and attempts to recall this  phenomenon or to refer to it were classified as egregious anti-Semitism by the  Jewish side...
Indeed, there are many explanations as to why Jews joined the Bolsheviks (and  the Civil War produced yet more weighty reasons [e.g., the mass pogroms detailed  in Volume II, Chapter 16]. Nevertheless, if Russian Jews' memory of this period  continues seeking primarily to justify this involvement, then the level  of Jewish self-awareness will be lowered, even lost.
Using this line of reasoning, Germans could just as easily find excuses for the  Hitler period: "Those were not real Germans, but scum"; "they  never asked us." Yet every people must answer morally for all of its past  -- including that past which is shameful. Answer by what means? By attempting to  comprehend: How could such a thing have been allowed? Where in all this  is our error? And could it happen again?
It is in that spirit, specifically, that it would behoove the Jewish people to  answer, both for the revolutionary cutthroats and the ranks willing to serve  them. Not to answer before other peoples, but to oneself, to one's  consciousness, and before God. Just as we Russians must answer -- for the  pogroms, for those merciless arsonist peasants, for those crazed revolutionary  soldiers, for those savage sailors. ...
To answer, just as we would answer for members of our family.
For if we release ourselves from any responsibility for the actions of our  national kin, the very concept of a people loses any real meaning.
My published articles are archived at iSteve.com -- Steve Sailer
 
 
 
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